Bibhu Prasad Routray
For
the state’s counter-Maoist strategy, the intervening night of March 27-28
brought a landmark success. In Jharkhand’s Lakarbandha forests in Chatra
district, 10 CPI -Maoist cadres, including a
number of key leaders, were killed by the outfit’s bete noire, the Tritiya
Prastuti Committee (TPC ). Twelve more cadres
were arrested and subsequently released by the TPC
after they promised not to be Maoist cadres any longer.
Like
all narratives that emerge from the extremism-affected dark lands of the
country, the episode has already set off a chain of controversies. The
Jharkhand Police remain glued to their theory of internecine clash between the TPC
and CPI -Maoist being responsible for the
killing of the Maoists. On the other hand, the CPI -Maoist
press release blames the TPC for advancing
the cause of the state and indulging in the “gruesome mass killing”. Whether it
was a success by default or by design for the state, would perhaps remain a
matter of debate for long.
In
any event, the setbacks are perfectly in order with the declining trend of CPI -Maoist
violence in Jharkhand and across the country. The outfit lost 2,396 cadres to
killings, arrests and surrenders in 2012, of which 390 were in Jharkhand. Similarly,
in 2011, of the 2,523 Maoists neutralised, 413 were from Jharkhand. Of the 29
security forces killed in 2012 in Jharkhand, at least 22 were killed in
landmine explosions, demonstrating the fact that the Maoists have retreated
from direct confrontation with the security force personnel. Much of this
success is as much due to the security force operations as the factionalism
among the extremists.
That
the TPC operates in tandem with the police
is a familiar narrative in Jharkhand. In a state where state capacities vis-a-vis
the Maoists once were non-existent, the police did exploit the division among
the extremists. Yet, this is not typical to Jharkhand. The strategy of playing
one outfit against the other is age-old, applied with varying degree of success
and failures in Indian conflict theatres.
Not
surprisingly, in a state where Maoists versus security forces encounters hog
media headlines regularly, very few encounters have taken place between the
police and TPC . Barring the lone incident in
which TPC cadres opened fire on the escort
vehicle of Latehar district police chief on February 5 this year, no armed
encounter between the security forces and the TPC
was reported either in 2012 or 2011. In spite of the fact that the outfit, a
splinter group of the CPI -Maoist, has
undergone a split itself, it appears to have benefited from a security force
strategy that focused more on outfits like the People’s Liberation Front of
India. TPC has grown substantially in size
and weapons holding in the recent past.
In
hindsight, the Maoist blind expansion strategy accounts for its tactical and
strategic failure. Post-2004 merger that brought the Maoist Communist Centre
and the People’s War Group together in the form of the CPI -Maoist,
the bid to overwhelm the Indian state, the outfit’s attempt to build up a large
army of fighters, produced an instant casualty, i.e. the commitment of the new
cadres to the ideology of the party. Similarly, the great degree of functional
autonomy the outfit’s central command provided to its state units to carry out
anti-state activities, degenerated into mindless violence without necessarily
advancing its core objectives. Once the less committed deserted the party, in
search of more funds and other benefits, the state was quick to turn them
against their former comrades. Delayed response from the CPI -Maoist
to stop internecine clashes, in the form of a cessation of violence declaration
in June 2012, apparently did not help.
An
existential crisis now faces the CPI -Maoist
in a state that contributes enormously to its war chest. The probable loss of
Jharkhand combined with the setbacks in West Bengal and
Odisha it has received, could push the outfit into becoming mostly a one-state
wonder, with its operations confined to Chhattisgarh alone. In such a scenario,
a range of efforts combining a serious attempt to preserve its cadres and
reclaim the lost territories can be in the offing.
Jharkhand,
on the other hand, faces the dual challenge of dealing with the CPI -Maoist’s
remnants and also, keeping the violence by non-CPI -Maoist
outfits under check, which accounts for nearly 60 per cent of the recorded
violence in the state. Unlike Andhra Pradesh, where none filled up the vacuum
created by the weakening of the CPI -Maoist, many
candidates could be aspiring to fill the outfit’s shoes.
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